Wednesday, June 11, 2008

Condi Rice Writes an Interesting Article

Rethinking the National Interest

Is she positioning herself for the VP post?

Some intriguing passages -
"Our relationships with Russia and China are complex and characterized simultaneously by competition and cooperation. But in the absence of workable relations with both of these states, diplomatic solutions to many international problems would be elusive. Transnational terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, climate change and instability stemming from poverty and disease -- these are dangers to all successful states, including those that might in another time have been violent rivals. It is incumbent on the United States to find areas of cooperation and strategic agreement with Russia and China, even when there are significant differences."

[---]
"This is why President Bush has made clear his support for a reasonable expansion of the UN Security Council."
[---]

"As important as relations are with Russia and China, it is our work with our allies, those with whom we share values, that is transforming international politics -- for this work presents an opportunity to expand the ranks of well-governed, law-abiding democratic states in our world and to defeat challenges to this vision of international order. Cooperation with our democratic allies, therefore, should not be judged simply by how we relate to one another. It should be judged by the work we do together to defeat terrorism and extremism, meet global challenges, defend human rights and dignity, and support new democracies.

In the Americas, this has meant strengthening our ties with strategic democracies such as Canada, Mexico, Colombia, Brazil, and Chile in order to further the democratic development of our hemisphere. Together, we have supported struggling states, such as Haiti, in locking in their transitions to democracy and security. Together, we are defending ourselves against drug traffickers, criminal gangs, and the few autocratic outliers in our democratic hemisphere."

[...]

"Is it really possible in the long run for governments to respect their citizen's talents but not their rights? I, for one, doubt it."
Indeed. She has interesting things to say about just about every region in the world. I am, of course, interested in her thoughts on the Middle East.
"One response would have been to fight the terrorists without addressing this underlying cause. Perhaps it would have been possible to manage these suppressed tensions for a while. Indeed, the quest for justice and a new equilibrium on which the nations of the broader Middle East are now embarked is very turbulent. But is it really worse than the situation before? Worse than when Lebanon suffered under the boot of Syrian military occupation? Worse than when the self-appointed rulers of the Palestinians personally pocketed the world's generosity and squandered their best chance for a two-state peace? Worse than when the international community imposed sanctions on innocent Iraqis in order to punish the man who tyrannized them, threatened Iraq's neighbors, and bulldozed 300,000 human beings into unmarked mass graves? Or worse than the decades of oppression and denied opportunity that spawned hopelessness, fed hatreds, and led to the sort of radicalization that brought about the ideology behind the September 11 attacks? Far from being the model of stability that some seem to remember, the Middle East from 1945 on was wracked repeatedly by civil conflicts and cross-border wars. Our current course is certainly difficult, but let us not romanticize the old bargains of the Middle East -- for they yielded neither justice nor stability."
And, in particular, her analysis of Iraq, which includes, among others, this passage:
"After we fought one war against Saddam and then remained in a formal state of hostilities with him for over a decade, our containment policy began to erode. The community of nations was losing its will to enforce containment, and Iraq's ruler was getting increasingly good at exploiting it through programs such as oil-for-food -- indeed, more than we knew at the time. The failure of containment was increasingly evident in the UN Security Council resolutions that were passed and then violated, in our regular clashes in the no-fly zones, and in President Bill Clinton's decision to launch air strikes in 1998 and then join with Congress to make "regime change" our government's official policy in Iraq. If Saddam was not a threat, why did the community of nations keep the Iraqi people under the most brutal sanctions in modern history? In fact, as the Iraq Survey Group showed, Saddam was ready and willing to reconstitute his weapons of mass destruction programs as soon as international pressure had dissipated."
BINGO!!!

Read the whole thing. And note the emphasis on the support for democracy and economic freedom.

2 Comments:

Blogger section9 said...

Her last point is something that liberals have used as a meme for at least half a decade. The Sanctions regime was clearly breaking down in its last year, and was deeply unpopular in the Arab world. Colin Powell was reduced to arguing for "smart sanctions" against Saddam by the spring of 2001, before the attacks against the U.S..

She's right here, and the potential for Saddam to reconstitute his programs was a point that went into the decision to attack him, somthing that is left unsaid here.

June 11, 2008 10:58 am  
Blogger Louise said...

You are quite right about the potential for reactivating his WDM programs being one of the motives for the war. Of course, the defeat and withdraw ninnies will persist in twisting and spinning so that that fact will never be acknowledged.

June 11, 2008 5:25 pm  

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